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* COGNITION: LANGUAGE AND THE ORIGIN OF NUMERICAL CONCEPTS

The following points are made by R. Gelman and C.R. Gallistel (Science
2004 306:441):

1) Intuitively, our thoughts are inseparable from the words in which we
express them. This intuition underlies the strong form of the Whorfian
hypothesis (after Benjamin Whorf (1897-1941), namely, that language
determines thought (aka "linguistic determinism"). Many cognitive
scientists find the strong hypothesis unintelligible and/or indefensible
(1), but weaker versions of it, in which language influences how we
think, have many contemporary proponents (2,3).

2) The strong version rules out the possibility of thought in animals
and humans who lack language, although there is an abundant experimental
literature demonstrating quantitative inference about space, time, and
number in preverbal humans (4), in individuals with language impairments
(5), and in rats, pigeons, and insects. Another problem is the lack of
specific suggestions as to how exposure to language could generate the
necessary representational apparatus. It would be wonderful if computers
could be made to understand the world the way we do just by talking to
them, but no one has been able to program them to do this. This failure
highlights what is missing from the strong form of the hypothesis,
namely, suggestions as to how words could make concepts take form out of
nothing.

3) The antithesis of the strong Whorfian hypothesis is that thought is
mediated by language-independent symbolic systems, often called the
language(s) of thought. Under this account, when humans learn a
language, they learn to express in it concepts already present in their
prelinguistic system(s). Their prelinguistic systems for representing
the world are language-like only in that they are compositional: Larger,
more complex meanings (concepts) are built up by the combination of
elementary meanings.

4) Recently reported experimental studies with innumerate Piraha and
Munduruku Indian subjects from the Brazilian Amazonia give evidence
regarding the role of language in the development of numerical
reasoning. Either the subjects in these reports have no true number
words or they have consistent unambiguous words for one and two and more
loosely used words for three and four. Moreover, they do not overtly
count, either with number words or by means of tallies. Yet, when tested
on a variety of numerical tasks -- naming the number of items in a
stimulus set, constructing sets of equivalent number, judging which of
two sets is more numerous, and mental addition and subtraction -- these
subjects gave results indicative of an imprecise nonverbal
representation of number, with a constant level of imprecision, measured
by the Weber fraction. The Weber fraction for these subjects is roughly
comparable to that of numerate subjects when they do not rely on verbal
counting. In one of the reports, the stimulus sets had as many as 80
items, so the approximate representation of number in these subjects
extends to large numbers.

5) Among the most important results in these reports are those showing
simple arithmetic reasoning -- mental addition, subtraction, and
ordering. These findings strengthen the evidence that humans share with
nonverbal animals a language-independent representation of number, with
limited, scale-invariant precision, which supports simple arithmetic
computation and which plays an important role in elementary human
numerical reasoning, whether verbalized or not (5). The results do not
support the strong Whorfian view that a concept of number is dependent
on natural language for its development. Indeed, they are evidence
against it. The results are, however, consistent with the hypothesis
that learning to represent numbers by some communicable notation (number
words, tally marks, numerals) might facilitate the routine recognition
of exact numerical equality.

References (abridged):

1. L. Gleitman, A. Papafragou, in Handbook of Thinking and Reasoning, K.
J. Holyoak, R. Morrison, Eds. (Cambridge Univ. Press, New York, in press)

2. D. Gentner, S. Golden-Meadow, Eds., Language and Mind: Advances in
the Study of Language and Thought (MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2003)

3. S. C. Levinson, in Language and Space, P. Bloom, M. Peterson, L.
Nadel, M. Garrett, Eds. (MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1996), Chap. 4

4. R. Gelman, S. A. Cordes, in Language, Brain, and Cognitive
Development: Essays in Honor of Jacques Mehler, E. Dupoux, Ed. (MIT
Press, Cambridge, MA, 2001), pp. 279-301

5. B. Butterworth, The Mathematical Brain (McMillan, London, 1999)

Science http://www.sciencemag.org

--------------------------------

Related Material:

COGNITIVE SCIENCE: NUMBERS AND COUNTING IN A CHIMPANZEE

Notes by ScienceWeek:

In this context, let us define "animals" as all living multi-cellular
creatures other than humans that are not plants. In recent decades it
has become apparent that the cognitive skills of many animals,
especially non-human primates, are greater than previously suspected.
Part of the problem in research on cognition in animals has been the
intrinsic difficulty in communicating with or testing animals, a
difficulty that makes the outcome of a cognitive experiment heavily
dependent on the ingenuity of the experimental approach.

Another problem is that when investigating the non-human primates, the
animals whose cognitive skills are closest to that of humans, one cannot
do experiments on large populations because such populations either do
not exist or are prohibitively expensive to maintain. The result is that
in the area of primate cognitive research reported experiments are often
"anecdotal", i.e., experiments involving only a few or even a single
animal subject.

But anecdotal evidence can often be of great significance and have
startling implications: a report, even in a single animal, of important
abstract abilities, numeric or conceptual, is worthy of attention, if
only because it may destroy old myths and point to new directions in
methodology. In 1985, T. Matsuzawa reported experiments with a female
chimpanzee that had learned to use Arabic numerals to represent numbers
of items. This animal (which is still alive and whose name is "Ai") can
count from 0 to 9 items, which she demonstrates by touching the
appropriate number on a touch-sensitive monitor. Ai can also order the
numbers from 0 to 9 in sequence.

The following points are made by N. Kawai and T. Matsuzawa (Nature 2000
403:39):

1) The author report an investigation of Ai's memory span by testing her
skill in numerical tasks. The authors point out that humans can easily
memorize strings of codes such as phone numbers and postal codes if they
consist of up to 7 items, but above this number of items, humans find
memorization more difficult. This "magic number 7" effect, as it is
known in human information processing, represents an apparent limit for
the number of items that can be handled simultaneously by the human brain.

2) The authors report that the chimpanzee Ai can remember the correct
sequence of any 5 numbers selected from the range 0 to 9.

3) The authors relate that in one testing session, after choosing the
first correct number in a sequence (all other numbers still masked), "a
fight broke out among a group of chimpanzees outside the room,
accompanied by loud screaming. Ai abandoned her task and paid attention
to the fight for about 20 seconds, after which she returned to the
screen and completed the trial without error."

4) The authors conclude: "Ai's performance shows that chimpanzees can
remember the sequence of at least 5 numbers, the same as (or even more
than) preschool children. Our study and others demonstrate the
rudimentary form of numerical competence in non-human primates."

Nature http://www.nature.com/nature

--------------------------------

Related Material:

COGNITIVE SCIENCE: ON THE MENTAL REPRESENTATION OF NUMBER

The following points are made by A. Plodowski et al (Current Biology
2003 13:2045):

1) How are numerical operations implemented within the human brain? It
has been suggested that there are at least three different codes for
representing number: a verbal code that is used to manipulate number
words and perform mental numerical operations (e.g., multiplication); a
visual code that is used to decode frequently used visual number forms
(e.g., Arabic digits); and an abstract analog code that may be used to
represent numerical quantities [1]. Furthermore, each of these codes is
associated with a different neural substrate [1-3].

2) Several features of numbers are of interest to cognitive
neuroscientists. First, investigations of animals and infants indicate
that the ability to process numerical magnitude can be independent of
language. Second, identical numerical quantities can be represented in
several different notations. Third, different numerical operations can
be performed on the same operands. Dehaene [1] has proposed a triple
code model that distinguishes between an auditory verbal code, a visual
code for Arabic digits, and an analog magnitude code that represents
numerical quantities as variable distributions of brain activation.
Dehaene and colleagues [1-3] propose that there are specific
relationships between individual numerical operations and different
numerical codes. The analog magnitude code is used for magnitude
comparison and approximate calculation, the visual Arabic number form
for parity judgments and multidigit operations, and the auditory verbal
code for arithmetical facts learned by rote (e.g., addition and
multiplication tables).

3) Previous studies have used behavioral and neuroimaging techniques
(both ERP and fMRI) to explore the effects of notation (i.e., Arabic
versus verbal code) on magnitude estimation [2,3]. The authors extend
these studies using dense-sensor event-related EEG recording techniques
to investigate the temporal pattern of notation-specific effects
observed in a parity judgement (odd versus even) task in which single
numbers were presented in one of four different numerical notations.
Contrasts between different notations demonstrated clear modulations in
the visual evoked potentials (VEP) recorded. The authors observed
increased amplitudes for the P1 and N1 components of the VEP that were
specific to Arabic numerals and to dot configurations but differed for
random and recognizable (die-face) dot configurations. The authors
suggest these results demonstrate clear, notation-specific differences
in the time course of numerical information processing and provide
electrophysiological support for the triple-code model of numerical
representation.[4,5]

References (abridged):

1. Dehaene, S. (1992). Varieties of numerical abilities. Cognition 44, 1-42

2. Dehaene, S. (1996). J. Cogn. Neurosci. 8, 47-68

3 Pinel, P., Dehaene, S., Riviere, D., and LeBihan, D. (2001).
Neuroimage 14, 1013-1026

4. Guthrie, D. and Buchwald, J.S. (1991). Significance testing of
difference potentials. Psychophysiology 28, 240-244

5. Nunez, P.L., Silberstein, R.B., Cadusch, P.J., Wijesinghe, R.S.,
Westdorp, A.F., and Srinivasan, R. (1994). A theoretical and
experimental study of high resolution EEG based on surface Laplacians
and cortical imaging. Electroencephalogr. Clin. Neurophysiol. 90, 40-57

Current Biology http://www.current-biology.com

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